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[24 hours of democracy]
I N T E R N E T A N D D E M O C R A C Y
[ Prev | Next | Index ]
[ Philippe Palaz's contribution | express yourself ]
Author: Michel Bauwens, mbauwens@innet.be,
22-Feb-1996..
Produced with the assistance of io
communications.
The following mini-essay, written on occasion
of the "24 hours for democracy" initiative is
an attempt to define the potential benefits
of the internet for democratic societies, and
to look at potential dangers as well.
T H E P O S I T I V E
In all societies, power is based on two main
fundaments. The very first is the naked power of the
gun. No social order can persist, at least in
inegalitarian societies, without the monopoly of
military might which is entrusted to the state. The
second important factor is the consent of the governed.
Both elements are needed to achieve a stable social
order. No government can survive based on might alone
and this is particularly so in democratic societies,
where the consent of the governed has to be explicitly
given every few years. The important question is: how
can one achieve such consent. The answer is that a
world view has to be shared by the majority that the
current social order is the best, the only one
possible, or at least, the lesser of evils. Such a
world view depends to a great extent on information,
which may or may not contradict the existing
predominant world view. A small amount of dissonant
information is not a problem as such dissonance can be
explained away; a large amount of dissonance however,
may invariably lead to a questioning of the status quo.
As Lincoln said: you can fool somebody all of the time;
you can fool all of the people some of the time; but
you can"t fool everybody all of the time". Hence, the
importance of information in the democratic process.
Our current democratic societies are characterised by a
plurality of competing power centers, and by a
plurality of information sources. This balance is
theoretically and practically guaranteed by the freedom
of the press. A honest analysis will force us to
conclude, with Noam Chomsky, that the freedom of the
press is the freedom of those who own one, and that
hence we do live, to a great extent, in a era of
"manufactured consent".
Indeed, in a mass society with mass media such as
radio, television, newspapers and magazines, the entry
price to be a publisher/broadcaster is quite high, and
therefore, limited to corporations and organisations
with a large financial backing.
It is in that context that the internet changes the
rules of the game. One of the innovative features of
the internet is that it combines within the same
medium, both the features of mass media (the ability to
reach massive numbers of people), and the features of
personal media. This combination makes it so that on
the internet every recipient is indeed also a
broadcaster. The entry price to become a publisher, a
radio broadcaster, a television station, has become
dramatically lower. It is now possible to potentially
reach large numbers of people, for what is, compared to
traditional mass media, a marginal investment. This
fact raises the number of people able to broadcast a
message. What the internet does on the costing side is
to lower the transactional costs of doing business (and
this includes political busy-ness), and of organising.
It may be said that the internet is, and will become, a
major tool for the self-organising of social groups.
Combine both the hypothesis of cheaper information
diffusion and self-organising and you get the effect of
diffusing "information power" and hence "power" itself,
to a much larger amount of actors. This will both
rebalance power relationships in the public sphere, but
may perhaps lead, over a certain, to a another kind of
society: a move away from mass society, towards a more
diffuse kind of networked society, based on the
co-existence of varied subcultures. For a description
of such a kind of society, read the "Diamond Age", a
"near-future" science-fiction book by Neal Stephenson.
I must admit I find his scenarios on the withering away
of the central state, and its replacement by a network
of networks, i.e. societies (cultures) co-existing
within the same " spaces", a rather compelling view of
the future. Even if that future won"t be so radical,
the "fragmentation" effect of the internet cannot be
denied. Such an evolution does pose the problem of how
we will organise our collective physical spaces. Apart
from that, I consider the internet to be a social
laboratory for trying out new ways of developing
self-government for the social groups using the
internet. I would particularly mention trials like the
autonomous "cyberspace countries" like Terra Libra,
Oceania, Nexus, and the "social contract" experiments
of the Extropians. Even though they are not yet
compelling, from these varied experiments may proceed
innovative practices. Cyberspace is a "living space"
and these people are trying out social practices that
may be common for the rest of us in a decade or so.
Another important innovation of the internet is the
collective discussion that it enables. Indeed, since
the Greek Forum, it has not been possible to implement
many-to-many dialogue on such a grand scale. True, most
newsgroups are of a deplorable quality, but their
existence is significant. With more experience, better
software, these tools may be adjunct to democratic
processes, for example in the information gathering
phases. Used intelligently, computer conferencing
software has positive potential. But even used
spontaneously as it is now, it is not without effects
on the political process. Again the reason is that such
uncensored forums do create uncontrolled information
flows which cannot be controlled by the mass media and
the "powers that be".
The transactional nature of the internet adds the
dimension of enabling participation in the
decision-making process itself, because it allows easy
polling and voting. It has been noted that such may
lead to push-button democracy and to a kind of online
"mob" rule. I"m quite sensitive to that charge and do
not think that the ability for impulse voting would be
an advance. However, I do place my hope that clever
conferencing software will lead to new democratic
procedures involving larger numbers of citizens in the
decision-making process. Most effective would probably
be a combination of both electronic and physical
semi-direct democracy. It still won"t be perfect
democracy (if such can exist in "real life"), but it
would be a broadening of the existing processes and a
necessary corrective to the skewed rules of today.
What about the famous egalitarian features of the
internet?Lots has been written about the potential of
the internet to do away with hierarchies. Indeed, on
the internet "nobody knows if you"re a dog ... or a
manager". Most users have experienced this directly,
and research in corporations tends to prove that more
people do indeed participate creatively to
problem-solving when such conferencing software is
implemented. Feminists scholars on the other hand, have
conducted research which points in the other direction:
that sexism does indeed persist. Attitudes from real
life do not suddenly disappear in "virtual life".
However, networked companies do change because
management can no longer control all information flows.
Hence power diffuses to lower echelons ("empowerment"),
while centralisation is replaced by even greater
coordination ("topsight"). I"m convinced that the same
process of diffusion will take place in a broader
social context as well. We can already witness today
that the bureaucratic logic of old, where "what I know
that you don"t know" is the basis of power, is replaced
by the cyberocratic logic, where "the more I
participate to the network, the more I promote the
knowledge transfer and hence the competitiveness of my
company". This is an altogether positive development.
The last argument points to the main feature of
cyberspace: that it is a collective mental environment,
"a country of the mind" as John Perry Barlow calls it.
The internet, and networks in general, are "brains
connected in real-time". This simple fact will make it
much more difficult for the powers that be to
manipulate information flows. Mass media are ideals
tool for propaganda, as they cannot be countered. The
same is not true of the internet, where every idea can
be countered. Corporations and governments will have a
harder time in their public relations activities.
Generally, I do believe that the existence of such a
collective and global forum, will force organisations
to act more ethically and truthfully, because the price
for dishonesty will be so much higher in such an
environment.
Lest I be accused of undue optimism or utopianism: with
the summing up of all arguments above, I"m not implying
a "better society", but I do think that there will be a
diffusion of information flows and hence of power, with
more chances for minority viewpoints to be heard, or at
least to globally self-organise themselves. As Kevin
Kelly says in his book: information, and the knowledge
it can produce, is now "out of control".
T H E N E G A T I V E S
As historians pointed out, the invention of mass
printing, did undermine the monopoly of information of
the Church and the feudal order, and it eventually led
to the formation of national states and democracy. But
lest we forget, in a long intermediate period, it did
lead to the first authoritarian nation-states, to the
Inquisition, and to widespread civil war. So we should
be very careful when predicting opportunities. We
should carefully look at negatives.
First, there are the problems associated with the
measurability of everything digital: the potential for
subtle and not so subtle control, for gross invasion of
privacy, is very real. The very weapon against such
control, i.e. encryption, creates as many problems as
it solves, because it paradoxically allows certain
forces to further elude the law (the notorious hyped-up
trio of the mafia, terrorists and child abusers). In
general, one could say that if destructive and
authoritarian/totalitarian political forces would again
gain the ascendancy, their toolbox would be
dramatically enhanced, and so would be the
possibilities of the opposition. Thus, while cyberspace
does not directly lead to democracy, it offers lots of
possibilities of conducting resistance, and it
dramatically "raises the stakes" of the political game.
An equally serious problem is the one of the haves and
the have-nots. Here I am more optimistic than most. I
believe that the political, social, and educational
effort to help people use computers, is immeasurably
easier than our historically successful effort to teach
people to read (at least in the western world). In
these same countries, universal access will be a
realistic goal. But while the internet will naturally
be a dominant medium for knowledge workers (soon to be
half of the working population), it will require a
public effort to "digitise" larger sectors of the
population. I"m more concerned with the cognitive
abilities, which are necessary to navigate such a
complex information space. All these problems will be
compounded in the under-privileged parts of the world.
Again, it will be important to deal squarely with this
challenge. Perhaps the internet will have the opposite
effect, and will be considered a leapfrog technology by
these countries, who will use the dramatic new
knowledge transfers to develop new sectors and so
de-localise even more industries. This at least is the
point of view of George Gilder, who points out how
Southeast Asian countries have dramatically benefited
from information technology.
Another concern is this: in a medium where it is hard
to "sell" information (because there is an
overabundance of free information), advertising becomes
primordial, and this may skew the independence of the
cyberspace press. Noam Chomsky has expressed concern
that progressive magazines may find it more difficult
to sell their paper versions, now that their readers
are clamouring for free web sites.
Referring to the points in the previous section on the
"fragmentation effect" of the net: I consider this to
be the most far-reaching and subversive effect of the
net. Indeed, until now, all politics have been local,
and their are simply no agreed upon processes in place,
in order to deal with an atomisation of society.
There will be other and more dramatic negatives, still
unknown to us to this day, and I personally suspect
most of them will be the result of us having to deal
with a permanent overflow of information. Each
historical epoch has a "problem to solve": feeding the
people (the agricultural age), providing them with
material well-being (the industrial age), and now we
are living the information age (with as task the
universal availabity of information in a collective
"noosphere"). In each epoch we go from problems of
scarcity (hunger, poverty, information poverty) to
problems of over-abundance. Most of our problems today,
in the western world at least, are problems related to
an overabundance of food (most modern diseases), of
material wealth (pollution), and today information
(information anxiety and stress). How to deal with a
permanent excess of information will be the key
challenge of the near future.
C O N C L U S I O N
There are two main attitudes towards technology and the
internet in particular. One is to embrace it and to
look at the potentialities. The danger here is to think
that a potentiality is an actuality and hence to become
a "digital utopianist".
The second attitude is to focus on the negatives and
dangers, and to adopt either the cynical attitude of
the permanently dissatisfied, or the active opposition
towards technology which is so typical of the so-called
"neo-Luddittes". Unlike the digital utopians, whose
promised land lies in the future, the utopia of the
techno-opposition lies in a golden age in the past.
I"ll allow myself to opt for a third attitude: an
attitude that embraces technology, both because it is
unavoidable and has the weight and trust of history
behind it, and because it does indeed enhance human
abilities and freedom. It moves mankind from a realm of
necessity, to a realm of increasing freedom. But it has
to be an attitude that wants everybody to share its
positive fruits. Such a movement would be a democratic
technology movement.
It would embrace the democratic potential of the
internet, by actively working for their practical
realisation. Opportunities must be taken, else they
disappear and their vacuum is filled by negative
alternatives. A democratic technology movement would
actively develop democracy-enhancing tools. It would
actively fight to broaden the benefits of technology to
all potential have nots. It would actively fight to
preserve our hard-won democratic freedoms, in this new
dimension of life.
The internet will produce the good, the bad and the
ugly. Let"s enjoy the good, fight the bad, and beautify
the ugly. Cynicism is the last thing we need in a world
heading towards an unprecedented ecological
catastrophe. Let"s use technology, and the internet, to
undo the damage wrought by the industrial revolution.
Let"s opt for a new covenant between nature, humanity
and technology. Such a covenant is only possible in a
democratic society, a real democratic society, without
"manufactured consent" and enhanced by the worldwide
networking tools such as the internet.
So yes, I believe the internet has promise for
democracy, if we do seize the historic opportunity it
gives us.
[iocom logo]
io communication
⌐ 1996, Michel Bauwens & io communication. Last update: 22-Feb-1996;
20:41:17
(http://www.iocom.be/thepilot/internetanddemocracy.html)